By Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Within the Nineteen Eighties generative grammar well-known that sensible fabric is ready to venture syntactic constitution in conformity with the X-bar-format. This perception quickly ended in a substantial elevate within the stock of practical projections. the elemental suggestion in the back of this line of theorizing, which works through the identify of cartography, is that sentence constitution will be represented as a template of linearly ordered positions, each one with their very own syntactic and semantic import. lately, in spite of the fact that, a couple of difficulties were raised for this process. for instance, definite combos of syntactic parts can't be linearly ordered. In gentle of such difficulties a couple of replacement bills were explored. a few of them suggest a brand new (often interface-related) set off for stream, whereas others search replacement technique of accounting for numerous note order styles. those possible choices to cartography don't shape a homogeneous staff, nor has there to date been a discussion board the place those principles can be in comparison and faced with each other. This quantity fills that hole. It deals a diversified and in-depth view at the place taken by way of a considerable variety of researchers within the box this day on what's possibly essentially the most hotly debated and arguable concerns in present-day generative grammar.
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Sono boosi-wa1 John-ga kinoo e1 kaimasita. that hat-WA John-NOM yesterday bought b. # John-ga sono boosi-wa kinoo kaimasita. ’ Contrastive topics display comparable behavior. As explained in section 3, one function of a contrastive topic is to shift the current topic of discourse from one item to another. The exchange in (27) therefore forces Bill-wa in the answer to be a contrastive topic, as this constituent is used to shift the topic from John. 32 Ad Neeleman, Elena Titov, Hans van de Koot and Reiko Vermeulen As predicted by (23), Bill-wa must appear in clause-initial position.
13. 14. 15. (ii) Wat Marie betreft, [DIT boek]1 heeft Jan haar zeker t 1 niet what Mary regards, this book has John her certainly not gegeven. given. For related discussion, see Rochemont (1989), Culicover (1991), Browning (1996), among others. The answer in (15a) is felicitous if the B-accent on the subject is omitted. Doing so allows the example to be construed as providing indirect information about Fred, namely that he did not eat more from the beans than he did last year. We assume throughout that in situ focus does not move at LF.
However, if these elements are fronted as contrastive foci, they must scope under the direct object, suggesting that the fronting operation is launched from the sentence-final position. A reviewer casts some doubt on the relevance of the example in (40b) in view of the preverbal position of the object, plausibly the result of a scrambling operation across the position from which the subject has moved. As a consequence, the fact that the object outscopes the subject may seem unsurprising. Three remarks are in order.