By Rosemary Overell (auth.)
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Additional info for Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes: Cases from Australia and Japan
Transgressive subcultural capital refers to the subcultural capital gained via acts which transgress dominant culture norms. These acts range from the mundane – setting up a DIY (Do It Yourself) label,5 rather than working a regular job (p. 125) – to the more extreme. In its most extreme form, transgressive subcultural capital in extreme metal manifested itself in the, ostensibly Satanic, ‘true Norwegian black metal’ crimes of murder and church burning during the 1990s (p. 128). These events and practices maintain the scenic discourse of metal as an outsider, deviant culture.
Unlike in Australia, heavy drinking does not usually begin until after the bands have ﬁnished. Band members do not generally stay long at the raibuhausu after the raibu is ﬁnished. Instead, it is customary for all band members, and their inner coterie, to attend an uchiage at a local izakaya (pub). Osaka’s City Council has also recently focused on establishing Osaka as a creative city. Run-down areas that once fostered grindcore music are becoming gentriﬁed. Nevertheless, the scene is sustained by key venues: Bears (in Namba), Shinkagura, Hokage, Socio and Club Drop (in Amerika Village/AmeMura), as well as Fandango in the northern suburb of Juso.
125) – to the more extreme. In its most extreme form, transgressive subcultural capital in extreme metal manifested itself in the, ostensibly Satanic, ‘true Norwegian black metal’ crimes of murder and church burning during the 1990s (p. 128). These events and practices maintain the scenic discourse of metal as an outsider, deviant culture. Kahn-Harris also looks at how scene members constitute belonging to particular spaces, through transgressive actions. He traces the link between politicised spatial (local and national) and scenic discourses.